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By McLaughlin D. B.

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25. â•–15. â•–218–20. 21 â•… This might have helped the regimes’ survival strategy, but it did little to address structural economic problems. From 1990 to 2011, the year of the uprisings, the youth population aged fifteen to twenty-nine grew by 50 percent in Libya and Tunisia, 65 percent in Egypt, and 125 percent in Yemen. 23 In the Arab world at large, by 2020, some 50 million jobs will be needed to absorb new entrants into the job market. 24 Unsurprisingly, poverty levels remain astoundingly high across the region.

40. â•–61. â•–127. â•–233. 81╇ Ibid. â•–55–6. 83╇ Ibid. â•–72. â•–74. 86 â•… In Jordan, meanwhile, the unrest of the late 1980s ushered in a limited degree of political opening with the aim of gaining support for contentious economic policies rather than reforming monarchical autocracy. Through the December 1990 National Charter, the government gave the opposition a limited degree of elbow room in return for recognition of the legitimacy of the monarchy. 87 By and large, Middle Eastern states were unwilling to embark on anything more than perfunctory elections with little or no substantive consequence for the state’s composition or its functions.

26. For a list of the amendments passed during this time see ibid. â•–41–2. â•–5. â•–67. â•–138. 64╇ Ibid. â•–153. â•–46. 69 So long as they succeeded in keeping the Islamist menace at bay and did not directly threaten Western interests, the West looked the other way, ignored their human rights violations, and gave them military, economic, and even political support. â•… For the monarchies, attempts to cultivate continued sources of legitimacy proved somewhat easier. The region’s monarchies, more so than the Middle East’s presidencies, have had to present themselves as outgrowths of a national tradition and to appeal to as wide a cross section of their peoples as possible.

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